The Unhealthy Meat Market

By Nicholas Kristof
New York Times: March 12, 2014

Where does our food come from? Often the answer is Tyson Foods, America’s meat factory.

Tyson, one of the nation’s 100 biggest companies, slaughters 135,000 head of cattle a week, along with 391,000 hogs and an astonishing 41 million chickens. Nearly all Americans regularly eat Tyson meat — at home, at McDonalds, at a cafeteria, at a nursing home.

“Even if Tyson did not produce a given piece of meat, the consumer is really only picking between different versions of the same commoditized beef, chicken, and pork that is produced through a system Tyson pioneered,” says Christopher Leonard, a longtime agribusiness journalist, in his new book about Tyson called “The Meat Racket.”

Leonard’s book argues that a handful of companies, led by Tyson, control our meat industry in ways that raise concerns about the impact on animals and humans alike, while tearing at the fabric of rural America. Many chicken farmers don’t even own the chickens they raise or know what’s in the feed. They just raise the poultry on contract for Tyson, and many struggle to make a living.

Concerned by the meat oligopoly’s dominance of rural America, President Obama undertook a push beginning in 2010 to strengthen antitrust oversight of the meat industry and make it easier for farmers to sue meatpackers. The aim was grand: to create a “new rural economy” to empower individual farmers.

Big Meat’s lobbyists used its friends in Congress to crush the Obama administration’s regulatory effort, which collapsed in “spectacular failure,” Leonard writes.

Factory farming has plenty of devastating consequences, but it’s only fair to acknowledge that it has benefited our pocketbooks. When President Herbert Hoover dreamed of putting “a chicken in every pot,” chicken was a luxury dish more expensive than beef. In 1930, whole dressed chicken retailed for $6.48 a pound in today’s currency, according to the National Chicken Council. By last year, partly because of Tyson, chicken retailed for an average price of $1.57 per pound — much less than beef.

Costs came down partly because scientific breeding reduced the length of time needed to raise a chicken to slaughter by more than half since 1925, even as a chicken’s weight doubled. The amount of feed required to produce a pound of chicken has also dropped sharply.

And yet.

This industrial agriculture system also has imposed enormous costs of three kinds.

First, it has been a catastrophe for animals. Chickens are bred to grow huge breasts so that as adults they topple forward and can barely breathe or stand.

“These birds are essentially bred to suffer,” says Laurie Beacham of the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, which argues that there’s an inherent cruelty in raising these “exploding chickens.”

Poultry Science journal has calculated that if humans grew at the same rate as modern chickens, a human by the age of two months would weigh 660 pounds.

Second, factory farming endangers our health. Robert Martin of the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health notes that a farm with 10,000 hogs produces as much fecal waste as a small city with 40,000 people, but the hog operation won’t have a waste treatment plant. Indeed, the hogs in a single county in North Carolina produce half as much waste as all the people in New York City, Martin says.

Another health concern is that antibiotics are routinely fed to animals and birds to help them grow quickly in crowded, dirty conditions. This can lead to antibiotic resistant infections, which strike two million Americans annually (overuse of antibiotics on human patients is also a factor, but four-fifths of antibiotics in America go to farm animals).

Third, this industrial model has led to a hollowing out of rural America. The heartland is left with a few tycoons and a large number of people struggling at the margins.

(Read the full article at New York Times)

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‘They are fascists!’ German Left leader blasts Merkel’s support of illegitimate Ukraine govt

RT: March 14, 2014

The recognition of Kosovo independence set a precedent that gives Crimeans, as well as Basques and Catalans, a right for self-determination, German opposition leader said, lashing out against Angela Merkel’s support of sanctions against Russia.

Gregor Gysi, a parliamentary head of the largest lower-house opposition party in Germany – the Left Party – has spoken out on Thursday against German Chancellor’s unquestioning support of the coup-appointed Ukrainian government.

“They formed a new government….. Immediately recognized by president Obama by the EU and German government as well. Miss Merkel! The vice- prime minister, the defense minister, minister of agriculture, environment minister, the attorney general.. They are fascists!” he stated.

Gysi was furious that Germany is doing nothing to address the extreme right threat in Ukraine.

“With fascists in Ukraine we are doing nothing. Svoboda party has tight contacts with NPD and other Nazi parties in Europe.. The leader of this party, Oleg Tyagnibok, has recalled that literally.”

The Left’s leader went on to read a quote from Tyagnibok, where he publically urged people in Ukraine to “Grab the guns, fight the Russian pigs, the Germans, the Jews pigs and others.”

“And with these Svoboda people we are still in conversation! I find it as a scandal!” Gysi told his fellow politicians.

Gysi said that NATO opened Pandora’s Box by recognising the unilaterally proclaimed independence of Kosovo and that Crimea’s secession from Ukraine applies the same pattern of international law.

“With Kosovo, they opened Pandora’s box. What’s allowed for Kosovo, you should also allow for others. I told you this but you haven’t listened to me. Winning the Cold War has eclipsed everything for you, you forgot about everything else,” Gysi said.

“The Basques are asking why can’t they make their choice, whether they want to stay within Spain or not? Catalonians are asking, why can’t they decide whether they want to belong to Spain or not. Of course people living in Crimea are asking the same thing.”

“I think that Crimea breaking away from Ukraine is just the same as Kosovo. I knew Putin would use this argument, and he did,” the politician said. “It must be found, such status for the Crimea, which will be acceptable for Ukraine, Russia, and us.”

(Read the full article at RT)

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High Radiation Readings on Canada’s East Coast

Originally Radiation Leak Reported, Now Source Apparently Unknown

…..

A container carrying a radioactive material used in the uranium enrichment process leaked at a Halifax shipping yard late Thursday, after falling more than 15 metres from a crane onto the deck below.

Emergency officials and a hazardous materials team were on the scene at the shipping yard after the container carrying uranium hexafluoride fell.

The material is used in the production of fuel for nuclear reactors and weapons.

Fire officials told CTV News they are treating the situation as a radioactive leak.

Officials said radiation levels around the unit are higher than normal.

(View video at the source: CTV)

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HALIFAX – Firefighters responded to a possible radiation leak aboard a ship at the port of Halifax on Thursday night, but later determined there was no leak of radioactive material.

The Halifax regional fire department says there were no injuries and no one was contaminated at the Ceres terminal in Fairview Cove in the city’s north end.

A city news release says firefighters received a call shortly before 10 p.m. after four steel cylinders fell about six metres from inside a container at the terminal, landing in a contained area of the ship.

It says the cylinders contained uranium hexafluoride, which is the chemical compound used in the gas centrifuge process to enrich uranium that is then used as reactor fuel or to arm nuclear missiles.

Initially, division commander Corey Beals said the department thought it was dealing with “some sort of radiological leak” but he couldn’t provide any further details.

About 90 minutes later, the department said there wasn’t a leak.

The city said fire officials conducted tests about six metres from the container and found radioactive levels were three to four times normal background levels, but it gave no explanation for those levels and a city spokesman couldn’t be reached for comment. Firefighters evacuated the immediate area as a safety precaution.

“There is no indication anything leaked from the cylinders,” the city said in its news release.

(Read the full article at Huffington Post)

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How the NSA Plans to Infect ‘Millions’ of Computers with Malware

By Ryan Gallagher and Glenn Greenwald
The Intercept: March 12, 2014

Top-secret documents reveal that the National Security Agency is dramatically expanding its ability to covertly hack into computers on a mass scale by using automated systems that reduce the level of human oversight in the process.

The classified files – provided previously by NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden – contain new details about groundbreaking surveillance technology the agency has developed to infect potentially millions of computers worldwide with malware “implants.” The clandestine initiative enables the NSA to break into targeted computers and to siphon out data from foreign Internet and phone networks.

The covert infrastructure that supports the hacking efforts operates from the agency’s headquarters in Fort Meade, Maryland, and from eavesdropping bases in the United Kingdom and Japan. GCHQ, the British intelligence agency, appears to have played an integral role in helping to develop the implants tactic.

In some cases the NSA has masqueraded as a fake Facebook server, using the social media site as a launching pad to infect a target’s computer and exfiltrate files from a hard drive. In others, it has sent out spam emails laced with the malware, which can be tailored to covertly record audio from a computer’s microphone and take snapshots with its webcam. The hacking systems have also enabled the NSA to launch cyberattacks by corrupting and disrupting file downloads or denying access to websites.

The implants being deployed were once reserved for a few hundred hard-to-reach targets, whose communications could not be monitored through traditional wiretaps. But the documents analyzed by The Intercept show how the NSA has aggressively accelerated its hacking initiatives in the past decade by computerizing some processes previously handled by humans. The automated system – codenamed TURBINE – is designed to “allow the current implant network to scale to large size (millions of implants) by creating a system that does automated control implants by groups instead of individually.”

In a top-secret presentation, dated August 2009, the NSA describes a pre-programmed part of the covert infrastructure called the “Expert System,” which is designed to operate “like the brain.” The system manages the applications and functions of the implants and “decides” what tools they need to best extract data from infected machines.

Mikko Hypponen, an expert in malware who serves as chief research officer at the Finnish security firm F-Secure, calls the revelations “disturbing.” The NSA’s surveillance techniques, he warns, could inadvertently be undermining the security of the Internet.

“When they deploy malware on systems,” Hypponen says, “they potentially create new vulnerabilities in these systems, making them more vulnerable for attacks by third parties.”

Hypponen believes that governments could arguably justify using malware in a small number of targeted cases against adversaries. But millions of malware implants being deployed by the NSA as part of an automated process, he says, would be “out of control.”

“That would definitely not be proportionate,” Hypponen says. “It couldn’t possibly be targeted and named. It sounds like wholesale infection and wholesale surveillance.”

The NSA declined to answer questions about its deployment of implants, pointing to a new presidential policy directive announced by President Obama. “As the president made clear on 17 January,” the agency said in a statement, “signals intelligence shall be collected exclusively where there is a foreign intelligence or counterintelligence purpose to support national and departmental missions, and not for any other purposes.”

“Owning the Net”

The NSA began rapidly escalating its hacking efforts a decade ago. In 2004, according to secret internal records, the agency was managing a small network of only 100 to 150 implants. But over the next six to eight years, as an elite unit called Tailored Access Operations (TAO) recruited new hackers and developed new malware tools, the number of implants soared to tens of thousands.

To penetrate foreign computer networks and monitor communications that it did not have access to through other means, the NSA wanted to go beyond the limits of traditional signals intelligence, or SIGINT, the agency’s term for the interception of electronic communications. Instead, it sought to broaden “active” surveillance methods – tactics designed to directly infiltrate a target’s computers or network devices.

In the documents, the agency describes such techniques as “a more aggressive approach to SIGINT” and says that the TAO unit’s mission is to “aggressively scale” these operations.

But the NSA recognized that managing a massive network of implants is too big a job for humans alone.

“One of the greatest challenges for active SIGINT/attack is scale,” explains the top-secret presentation from 2009. “Human ‘drivers’ limit ability for large-scale exploitation (humans tend to operate within their own environment, not taking into account the bigger picture).”

The agency’s solution was TURBINE. Developed as part of TAO unit, it is described in the leaked documents as an “intelligent command and control capability” that enables “industrial-scale exploitation.”

TURBINE was designed to make deploying malware much easier for the NSA’s hackers by reducing their role in overseeing its functions. The system would “relieve the user from needing to know/care about the details,” the NSA’s Technology Directorate notes in one secret document from 2009. “For example, a user should be able to ask for ‘all details about application X’ and not need to know how and where the application keeps files, registry entries, user application data, etc.”

In practice, this meant that TURBINE would automate crucial processes that previously had to be performed manually – including the configuration of the implants as well as surveillance collection, or “tasking,” of data from infected systems. But automating these processes was about much more than a simple technicality. The move represented a major tactical shift within the NSA that was expected to have a profound impact – allowing the agency to push forward into a new frontier of surveillance operations.

The ramifications are starkly illustrated in one undated top-secret NSA document, which describes how the agency planned for TURBINE to “increase the current capability to deploy and manage hundreds of Computer Network Exploitation (CNE) and Computer Network Attack (CNA) implants to potentially millions of implants.” (CNE mines intelligence from computers and networks; CNA seeks to disrupt, damage or destroy them.)

Eventually, the secret files indicate, the NSA’s plans for TURBINE came to fruition. The system has been operational in some capacity since at least July 2010, and its role has become increasingly central to NSA hacking operations.

Earlier reports based on the Snowden files indicate that the NSA has already deployed between 85,000 and 100,000 of its implants against computers and networks across the world, with plans to keep on scaling up those numbers.

The intelligence community’s top-secret “Black Budget” for 2013, obtained by Snowden, lists TURBINE as part of a broader NSA surveillance initiative named “Owning the Net.”

The agency sought $67.6 million in taxpayer funding for its Owning the Net program last year. Some of the money was earmarked for TURBINE, expanding the system to encompass “a wider variety” of networks and “enabling greater automation of computer network exploitation.”

Circumventing Encryption

The NSA has a diverse arsenal of malware tools, each highly sophisticated and customizable for different purposes.

One implant, codenamed UNITEDRAKE, can be used with a variety of “plug-ins” that enable the agency to gain total control of an infected computer.

An implant plug-in named CAPTIVATEDAUDIENCE, for example, is used to take over a targeted computer’s microphone and record conversations taking place near the device. Another, GUMFISH, can covertly take over a computer’s webcam and snap photographs. FOGGYBOTTOM records logs of Internet browsing histories and collects login details and passwords used to access websites and email accounts. GROK is used to log keystrokes. And SALVAGERABBIT exfiltrates data from removable flash drives that connect to an infected computer.

The implants can enable the NSA to circumvent privacy-enhancing encryption tools that are used to browse the Internet anonymously or scramble the contents of emails as they are being sent across networks. That’s because the NSA’s malware gives the agency unfettered access to a target’s computer before the user protects their communications with encryption.

It is unclear how many of the implants are being deployed on an annual basis or which variants of them are currently active in computer systems across the world.

Previous reports have alleged that the NSA worked with Israel to develop the Stuxnet malware, which was used to sabotage Iranian nuclear facilities. The agency also reportedly worked with Israel to deploy malware called Flame to infiltrate computers and spy on communications in countries across the Middle East.

According to the Snowden files, the technology has been used to seek out terror suspects as well as individuals regarded by the NSA as “extremist.” But the mandate of the NSA’s hackers is not limited to invading the systems of those who pose a threat to national security.

In one secret post on an internal message board, an operative from the NSA’s Signals Intelligence Directorate describes using malware attacks against systems administrators who work at foreign phone and Internet service providers. By hacking an administrator’s computer, the agency can gain covert access to communications that are processed by his company. “Sys admins are a means to an end,” the NSA operative writes.

The internal post – titled “I hunt sys admins” – makes clear that terrorists aren’t the only targets of such NSA attacks. Compromising a systems administrator, the operative notes, makes it easier to get to other targets of interest, including any “government official that happens to be using the network some admin takes care of.”

Similar tactics have been adopted by Government Communications Headquarters, the NSA’s British counterpart. As the German newspaper Der Spiegel reported in September, GCHQ hacked computers belonging to network engineers at Belgacom, the Belgian telecommunications provider.

The mission, codenamed “Operation Socialist,” was designed to enable GCHQ to monitor mobile phones connected to Belgacom’s network. The secret files deem the mission a “success,” and indicate that the agency had the ability to covertly access Belgacom’s systems since at least 2010.

Infiltrating cellphone networks, however, is not all that the malware can be used to accomplish. The NSA has specifically tailored some of its implants to infect large-scale network routers used by Internet service providers in foreign countries. By compromising routers – the devices that connect computer networks and transport data packets across the Internet – the agency can gain covert access to monitor Internet traffic, record the browsing sessions of users, and intercept communications.

Two implants the NSA injects into network routers, HAMMERCHANT and HAMMERSTEIN, help the agency to intercept and perform “exploitation attacks” against data that is sent through a Virtual Private Network, a tool that uses encrypted “tunnels” to enhance the security and privacy of an Internet session.

The implants also track phone calls sent across the network via Skype and other Voice Over IP software, revealing the username of the person making the call. If the audio of the VOIP conversation is sent over the Internet using unencrypted “Real-time Transport Protocol” packets, the implants can covertly record the audio data and then return it to the NSA for analysis.

But not all of the NSA’s implants are used to gather intelligence, the secret files show. Sometimes, the agency’s aim is disruption rather than surveillance. QUANTUMSKY, a piece of NSA malware developed in 2004, is used to block targets from accessing certain websites. QUANTUMCOPPER, first tested in 2008, corrupts a target’s file downloads. These two “attack” techniques are revealed on a classified list that features nine NSA hacking tools, six of which are used for intelligence gathering. Just one is used for “defensive” purposes – to protect U.S. government networks against intrusions.

“Mass exploitation potential”

Before it can extract data from an implant or use it to attack a system, the NSA must first install the malware on a targeted computer or network.

According to one top-secret document from 2012, the agency can deploy malware by sending out spam emails that trick targets into clicking a malicious link. Once activated, a “back-door implant” infects their computers within eight seconds.

There’s only one problem with this tactic, codenamed WILLOWVIXEN: According to the documents, the spam method has become less successful in recent years, as Internet users have become wary of unsolicited emails and less likely to click on anything that looks suspicious.

Consequently, the NSA has turned to new and more advanced hacking techniques. These include performing so-called “man-in-the-middle” and “man-on-the-side” attacks, which covertly force a user’s internet browser to route to NSA computer servers that try to infect them with an implant.

To perform a man-on-the-side attack, the NSA observes a target’s Internet traffic using its global network of covert “accesses” to data as it flows over fiber optic cables or satellites. When the target visits a website that the NSA is able to exploit, the agency’s surveillance sensors alert the TURBINE system, which then “shoots” data packets at the targeted computer’s IP address within a fraction of a second.

In one man-on-the-side technique, codenamed QUANTUMHAND, the agency disguises itself as a fake Facebook server. When a target attempts to log in to the social media site, the NSA transmits malicious data packets that trick the target’s computer into thinking they are being sent from the real Facebook. By concealing its malware within what looks like an ordinary Facebook page, the NSA is able to hack into the targeted computer and covertly siphon out data from its hard drive. A top-secret animation demonstrates the tactic in action.

The documents show that QUANTUMHAND became operational in October 2010, after being successfully tested by the NSA against about a dozen targets.

According to Matt Blaze, a surveillance and cryptography expert at the University of Pennsylvania, it appears that the QUANTUMHAND technique is aimed at targeting specific individuals. But he expresses concerns about how it has been covertly integrated within Internet networks as part of the NSA’s automated TURBINE system.

“As soon as you put this capability in the backbone infrastructure, the software and security engineer in me says that’s terrifying,” Blaze says.

“Forget about how the NSA is intending to use it. How do we know it is working correctly and only targeting who the NSA wants? And even if it does work correctly, which is itself a really dubious assumption, how is it controlled?”

In an email statement to The Intercept, Facebook spokesman Jay Nancarrow said the company had “no evidence of this alleged activity.” He added that Facebook implemented HTTPS encryption for users last year, making browsing sessions less vulnerable to malware attacks.

Nancarrow also pointed out that other services besides Facebook could have been compromised by the NSA. “If government agencies indeed have privileged access to network service providers,” he said, “any site running only [unencrypted] HTTP could conceivably have its traffic misdirected.”

A man-in-the-middle attack is a similar but slightly more aggressive method that can be used by the NSA to deploy its malware. It refers to a hacking technique in which the agency covertly places itself between computers as they are communicating with each other.

This allows the NSA not only to observe and redirect browsing sessions, but to modify the content of data packets that are passing between computers.

The man-in-the-middle tactic can be used, for instance, to covertly change the content of a message as it is being sent between two people, without either knowing that any change has been made by a third party. The same technique is sometimes used by criminal hackers to defraud people.

A top-secret NSA presentation from 2012 reveals that the agency developed a man-in-the-middle capability called SECONDDATE to “influence real-time communications between client and server” and to “quietly redirect web-browsers” to NSA malware servers called FOXACID. In October, details about the FOXACID system were reported by the Guardian, which revealed its links to attacks against users of the Internet anonymity service Tor.

But SECONDDATE is tailored not only for “surgical” surveillance attacks on individual suspects. It can also be used to launch bulk malware attacks against computers.

According to the 2012 presentation, the tactic has “mass exploitation potential for clients passing through network choke points.”

Blaze, the University of Pennsylvania surveillance expert, says the potential use of man-in-the-middle attacks on such a scale “seems very disturbing.” Such an approach would involve indiscriminately monitoring entire networks as opposed to targeting individual suspects.

“The thing that raises a red flag for me is the reference to ‘network choke points,’” he says. “That’s the last place that we should be allowing intelligence agencies to compromise the infrastructure – because that is by definition a mass surveillance technique.”

To deploy some of its malware implants, the NSA exploits security vulnerabilities in commonly used Internet browsers such as Mozilla Firefox and Internet Explorer.

The agency’s hackers also exploit security weaknesses in network routers and in popular software plugins such as Flash and Java to deliver malicious code onto targeted machines.

The implants can circumvent anti-virus programs, and the NSA has gone to extreme lengths to ensure that its clandestine technology is extremely difficult to detect. An implant named VALIDATOR, used by the NSA to upload and download data to and from an infected machine, can be set to self-destruct – deleting itself from an infected computer after a set time expires.

In many cases, firewalls and other security measures do not appear to pose much of an obstacle to the NSA. Indeed, the agency’s hackers appear confident in their ability to circumvent any security mechanism that stands between them and compromising a computer or network. “If we can get the target to visit us in some sort of web browser, we can probably own them,” an agency hacker boasts in one secret document. “The only limitation is the ‘how.’”

Covert Infrastructure

The TURBINE implants system does not operate in isolation.

It is linked to, and relies upon, a large network of clandestine surveillance “sensors” that the agency has installed at locations across the world.

The NSA’s headquarters in Maryland are part of this network, as are eavesdropping bases used by the agency in Misawa, Japan and Menwith Hill, England.

The sensors, codenamed TURMOIL, operate as a sort of high-tech surveillance dragnet, monitoring packets of data as they are sent across the Internet.

When TURBINE implants exfiltrate data from infected computer systems, the TURMOIL sensors automatically identify the data and return it to the NSA for analysis. And when targets are communicating, the TURMOIL system can be used to send alerts or “tips” to TURBINE, enabling the initiation of a malware attack.

The NSA identifies surveillance targets based on a series of data “selectors” as they flow across Internet cables. These selectors, according to internal documents, can include email addresses, IP addresses, or the unique “cookies” containing a username or other identifying information that are sent to a user’s computer by websites such as Google, Facebook, Hotmail, Yahoo, and Twitter.

Other selectors the NSA uses can be gleaned from unique Google advertising cookies that track browsing habits, unique encryption key fingerprints that can be traced to a specific user, and computer IDs that are sent across the Internet when a Windows computer crashes or updates.

What’s more, the TURBINE system operates with the knowledge and support of other governments, some of which have participated in the malware attacks.

Classification markings on the Snowden documents indicate that NSA has shared many of its files on the use of implants with its counterparts in the so-called Five Eyes surveillance alliance – the United Kingdom, Canada, New Zealand, and Australia.

(Read the full article and view source documents at: The Intercept)

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Web Creator Criticizes Surveillance, Proposes Bill of Rights For Internet

An online Magna Carta: Berners-Lee calls for bill of rights for web

By Jemima Kiss
The Guardian: March 12 2014

The inventor of the world wide web believes an online “Magna Carta” is needed to protect and enshrine the independence of the medium he created and the rights of its users worldwide.

Sir Tim Berners-Lee told the Guardian the web had come under increasing attack from governments and corporate influence and that new rules were needed to protect the “open, neutral” system.

Speaking exactly 25 years after he wrote the first draft of the first proposal for what would become the world wide web, the computer scientist said: “We need a global constitution – a bill of rights.”

Berners-Lee’s Magna Carta plan is to be taken up as part of an initiative called “the web we want”, which calls on people to generate a digital bill of rights in each country – a statement of principles he hopes will be supported by public institutions, government officials and corporations.

“Unless we have an open, neutral internet we can rely on without worrying about what’s happening at the back door, we can’t have open government, good democracy, good healthcare, connected communities and diversity of culture. It’s not naive to think we can have that, but it is naive to think we can just sit back and get it.”

Berners-Lee has been an outspoken critic of the American and British spy agencies’ surveillance of citizens following the revelations by National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden. In the light of what has emerged, he said, people were looking for an overhaul of how the security services were managed.

His views also echo across the technology industry, where there is particular anger about the efforts by the NSA and Britain’s GCHQ to undermine encryption and security tools – something many cybersecurity experts say has been counterproductive and undermined everyone’s security.

Principles of privacy, free speech and responsible anonymity would be explored in the Magna Carta scheme. “These issues have crept up on us,” Berners-Lee said. “Our rights are being infringed more and more on every side, and the danger is that we get used to it. So I want to use the 25th anniversary for us all to do that, to take the web back into our own hands and define the web we want for the next 25 years.”

The web constitution proposal should also examine the impact of copyright laws and the cultural-societal issues around the ethics of technology.

While regional regulation and cultural sensitivities would vary, Berners-Lee said he believed a shared document of principle could provide an international standard for the values of the open web.

He is optimistic that the “web we want” campaign can be mainstream, despite the apparent lack of awareness of public interest in the Snowden story.

(Read the full article at: The Guardian)

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Russia Annexing Crimea is the Cost of US/EU intervention in Ukraine

The difference in the Ukraine intervention from others the West has conducted is that the terminally adolescent political leaders who run the West have run smack dab into a decisive, realistic, and nationalistic adult, in the person of Vladimir Putin, and they do not know what to do.

Russia Annexing Crimea is the Cost of US/EU intervention in Ukraine

By Michael Scheuer
The Ron Paul Institute for Peace & Prosperity: March 13, 2014

One wonders how deep a hole the United States and the EU are going to dig for themselves in Ukraine. It was, of course, U.S. and EU leaders — and their media acolytes — who caused the problem we face today by intervening on behalf of self-styled “democrats” in Kiev who without foreign intervention could not have overthrown the Ukrainian president.

It is getting to be that any half-baked gaggle of protestors at any location on the planet need only to chant the word “democracy” and the West will come running to their aid with diplomatic assistance, money, and a fierce disregard for either the target nation’s sovereignty or regional stability. Indeed, it may well be that the whole Ukraine protest movement was primed for action by funds, advisers, and computer systems paid for by Hillary Clinton’s State Department in a program similar to those she ran in several Arab countries.

The difference in the Ukraine intervention from others the West has conducted is that the terminally adolescent political leaders who run the West have run smack dab into a decisive, realistic, and nationalistic adult, in the person of Vladimir Putin, and they do not know what to do. They are learning that the Ukraine is not Libya or Egypt in that Putin will not to let the West make of Ukraine — or at least of Crimea — the same unholy mess its earlier unwarranted interventions made of Egypt and Libya. Putin has a very clear view of Russia’s genuine national interests, and reliable access to the Crimean base of the Black Sea fleet is one of them, it has been for centuries, and it will remain so in the future.

Western leaders, on the other hand, have not a clue about what constitutes a genuine national interest. In this regard, their intervention in Ukraine speaks volumes. Neither the U.S. nor the EU can point to a national interest in Ukraine; their obsession with spreading “democracy” is childish, ahistorical, destabilizing, and potentially war causing.

Washington and its EU partners increasingly behave like the wildmen who ran the French Revolution. Those miscreants took that revolution’s cant — liberty, equality, and fraternity — and sought to use it to change governments in Europe and the United States if they did not bow to the demands of the French revolutionaries. They fomented insurrection across Europe and did so with incendiary propaganda printed in all the appropriate languages, as well as with covert action operations — like that conducted by Citizen Genet, with Jefferson’s acquiescence, in the United States. In the end, the practice of revolutionary French interventionism ignited what can be seen as world war that lasted most of fifteen years.

This French model — but today using the term “democracy” as its mantra — is now regularly applied by the United States and the EU around the world — Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia, Cuba, Sudan, Somalia, Pakistan, Libya, Syria, Zimbabwe, Afghanistan, Venezuela, Iran, Sri Lanka, North Korea, and now Ukraine — and it amounts to throwing gasoline on smoldering fires which tend to leap into flames that destroy governments and often regional stability. Such intervention-to-promote democracy is an arrogant, reckless, sophomoric, and war-causing method of conducting international relations, and it is a Satan that has spawned two other war-promoting interventionist causes — human rights and women’s rights. The U.S. and the EU commitment to endless intervention for unobtainable abstract ideals that have nothing to do with their legitimate national security concerns are today the greatest motivation for much of hatred and violence directed by non-Westerners at American and European citizens and interests.

Such intervention also is an additional drain on the already bankrupt treasuries of the United States and the EU. The democracy-addled U.S. congress and president threw a billion dollars into the hands of the amateurs now running affairs in Kiev, and the EU seems intent on providing those Potemkin democrats with $15 billion. For what purpose? Ukraine has one of the world’s worst fifty or so economies, so the money will not right the economy and there will be no way to account for how Western monies are spent — the Afghanistan and Iraq models of feckless U.S.-EU waste all over again. The only things certain in this Western policy are that the 16-plus billion dollars that Washington and the EU take from taxpayers will make their citizens poorer, will drive the donators’ economies further into debt, and will disappear into a well-developed maw of corruption, theft, and waste in Kiev.

(Read the full article at: The Ron Paul Institute for Peace & Prosperity)

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Hypocrite Lindsay Graham Supports Spying on Anyone But Himself

Challengers Slam Lindsey Graham’s Hypocrisy on Surveillance

Joshua Cook
Ben Swann: March 12, 2014

It seems like South Carolina’s Lindsey Graham only likes domestic spying if you are being spied on — not his staff.

Upon learning about the CIA’s snooping on Senate computers, Graham growled: “This is Richard Nixon stuff.”

Graham told reporters. “This is dangerous to the democracy. Heads should roll, people should go to jail if it’s true. If it is, the legislative branch should declare war on the CIA.”

Yes, this is the same Senator who said he was “glad” that the government was collecting cellular phone data from companies like Verizon.

“I’m a Verizon customer. I don’t mind Verizon turning over records to the government if the government is going to make sure that they try to match up a known terrorist phone with somebody in the United States. I don’t think you’re talking to the terrorists. I know you’re not. I know I’m not. So we don’t have anything to worry about,” Graham said on Fox & Friends.

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(Read the full article at: Ben Swann)

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Canadian Soil Tests Positive for Fukushima Radiation

Troubled waters: Nuclear radiation found in B.C. may pose health concerns

By Larry Pynn
Vancouver Sun: March 12, 2014

A radioactive metal from the Fukushima nuclear plant disaster in Japan has been discovered in the Fraser Valley, causing researchers to raise the alarm about the long-term impact of radiation on B.C.’s west coast.

Examination of a soil sample from Kilby Provincial Park, near Agassiz, has for the first time in this province found Cesium 134, further evidence of Fukushima radioactivity being transported to Canada by air and water.

“That was a surprise,” said Juan Jose Alava, an adjunct professor in the school of resource and environmental management at Simon Fraser University, in an interview on Tuesday. “It means there are still emissions … and trans-Pacific air pollution. It’s a concern to us. This is an international issue.”

Cesium 134 has a half-life of two years, meaning its radioactivity is reduced by half during that time. Its presence in the environment is an indication of continuing contamination from Fukushima.

A more persistent danger to people and marine life is radioactive Cesium 137, which has a half-life of 30 years, and bioaccumulates in the food chain.

Researchers developed a model based on the diet of fish-eating killer whales along with the levels of Cesium 137 detected and predicted (less than 0.5 becquerels per cubic metre, a measurement of radioactivity) by other researchers in the Pacific waters offshore of Vancouver Island.

The models suggests that in 30 years, Cesium 137 levels in the whales will exceed the Canadian guideline of 1,000 becquerels per kilogram for consumption of seafood by humans — 10 times the Japanese guideline.

“It’s a reference, the only benchmark we have to compare against,” Alava said.

He said recent federal government cutbacks have placed a greater burden of testing and monitoring for aquatic impacts on academics, non-governmental organizations and even private citizens.

“The Canadian government is the one that should be doing something, should be taking action to keep monitoring to see how these contaminants are behaving, what are the levels, and what is next.”

It was a citizen, Aki Sano, who provided SFU with the soil sample from Kilby park, near the mouth of the Harrison River, on Nov. 16, 2013. Samples of chinook, sockeye and chum spawning salmon nearby are also being analyzed for evidence of radiation.

While the soil sample tested positive for Cesium 134, the exact level is not yet known, although it is thought to be low. The plan now is to test soil samples from Burnaby Mountain, closer to Vancouver.

Earlier research by Kris Starosta, associate professor of chemistry, and his colleagues at SFU has shown evidence of Iodine 131, which has a half-life of eight days, in rainwater and seaweeds in B.C. Fisheries and Oceans Canada conducted the analysis of sea water off Vancouver Island.

An adult killer whale weighing up to 5,000 kilograms can eat five per cent of its body weight, or 250 kilograms of fish, per day.

Endangered resident killer whales already face a host of challenges: the need for high-protein chinook salmon, habitat degradation, underwater noise pollution, harassment from whale watchers, and climate change. While the additional impact of Cesium 137 is unknown, it may negatively affect the immune system or endocrine system, Alava said.

“The impact on the animal needs to be studied. This is part of a cumulative impact on the marine environment.”

The results raise concerns for aboriginal people who maintain a diet heavy in fish.

“We might expect similar results because the diet of First Nation communities is based on seafood,” Alava said. “Humans at the top of the food web can perhaps see increasing levels in the future.”

The Fukushima Dai-Ichi nuclear power plant suffered a catastrophic failure due to a 9.0-magnitude earthquake on March 11, 2011, which killed almost 19,000 people. Alava noted the plant continues to leak radiation, meaning that the problem is not going away soon. “There’s going to be a long-term exposure to organisms building up in the marine environment.”

While radiation levels so far remain low, the long-term implications deserve further study.

(Read the full article at: Vancouver Sun)

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Study Shows Pesticides More Toxic to Human Cells Than Declared

Major Pesticides Are More Toxic to Human Cells Than Their Declared Active Principles

By Robin Mesnage, Nicolas Defarge, Joël Spiroux de Vendômois, and Gilles-Eric Séralini
BioMed Research International: Volume 2014 (2014), Article ID 179691

Abstract

Pesticides are used throughout the world as mixtures called formulations. They contain adjuvants, which are often kept confidential and are called inerts by the manufacturing companies, plus a declared active principle, which is usually tested alone. We tested the toxicity of 9 pesticides, comparing active principles and their formulations, on three human cell lines (HepG2, HEK293, and JEG3). Glyphosate, isoproturon, fluroxypyr, pirimicarb, imidacloprid, acetamiprid, tebuconazole, epoxiconazole, and prochloraz constitute, respectively, the active principles of 3 major herbicides, 3 insecticides, and 3 fungicides. We measured mitochondrial activities, membrane degradations, and caspases 3/7 activities. Fungicides were the most toxic from concentrations 300–600 times lower than agricultural dilutions, followed by herbicides and then insecticides, with very similar profiles in all cell types. Despite its relatively benign reputation, Roundup was among the most toxic herbicides and insecticides tested. Most importantly, 8 formulations out of 9 were up to one thousand times more toxic than their active principles. Our results challenge the relevance of the acceptable daily intake for pesticides because this norm is calculated from the toxicity of the active principle alone. Chronic tests on pesticides may not reflect relevant environmental exposures if only one ingredient of these mixtures is tested alone.

1. Introduction

Pesticides are used throughout the world as mixtures called formulations. They contain adjuvants, which are often kept confidential and are called inerts by the manufacturing companies, plus a declared active principle (AP), which is the only one tested in the longest toxicological regulatory tests performed on mammals. This allows the calculation of the acceptable daily intake (ADI)—the level of exposure that is claimed to be safe for humans over the long term—and justifies the presence of residues of these pesticides at “admissible” levels in the environment and organisms. Only the AP and one metabolite are used as markers, but this does not exclude the presence of adjuvants, which are cell penetrants. Our previous investigation showed unexpected APs for human cell toxicity in the adjuvants of glyphosate-based herbicides [1]. Ethoxylated adjuvants found in glyphosate-based herbicides were up to 10.000 times more toxic than the so-called active AP glyphosate [1] and are better candidates for secondary side effects. This may explain in vivo long-term toxicity from 0.1 ppb of the formulation and other toxicities that were not explained by a consideration of glyphosate alone [2–5]. These adjuvants also have serious consequences to the health of humans and rats in acute exposures [6, 7]. These findings prompted us to investigate the presence of similar toxic molecules in other classes of pesticides.

The regulatory system assumes that the AP designed to specifically target plants, insects or fungi is the most toxic compound of a formulation to nontarget species. Thus long-term regulatory tests are performed on this substance alone. In this paper, we tested to what extent the AP or adjuvants in present formulations account for the toxicity of 9 major pesticides: 3 herbicides, 3 insecticides, and 3 fungicides.

We have thus selected 9 APs of herbicides, insecticides, or fungicides of different classes (Table 1) used for agricultural or domestic purposes, from the major pesticides used worldwide [8, 9]. First we tested Roundup and its AP, glyphosate. Upon the introduction of herbicide tolerant genetically modified organisms (GMOs), designed to tolerate Roundup and to accumulate unusual levels of its residues, Roundup quickly became the major pesticide in the world and a major food or feed contaminant [10]. Two other herbicides of a different class were tested: isoproturon (phenylurea) is the second most widely used AP of herbicides in Europe in the control of annual grasses and broad-leaved weeds in cereals and a major water contaminant [11]; and fluroxypyr (a synthetic auxin) is used as an AP on noncrop areas and also for agricultural use on wheat, barley, corn, and oats. Forest services are expanding its use as an alternative to other pesticides known to be toxic [12]. However, it is poorly studied and its effects on human cells were never published before. Among the insecticides chosen, pirimicarb (a carbamate), used specifically to target aphids, is the most representative AP in this family for cereal production and garden insect control worldwide [13]. Neonicotinoids are the largest selling insecticides worldwide and are marketed in more than 120 countries for use on more than 140 crops [14]. Their spectrum of biological efficacy covers a broad range of target pests such as whiteflies, lepidopteran, and coleopteran species. We tested the major neonicotinoid, the AP imidacloprid, which is widely used for seed dressing. Its toxicity against bees is widely admitted [15], but little is known about the effects of its adjuvants. We also tested the AP acetamiprid, another neonicotinoid advocated to replace imidacloprid [16]. Azole-type fungicides are applied every year on field crops, fruit trees, vegetables, and grassgrowing areas [17]. We tested the two most popular triazole APs, epoxiconazole and tebuconazole. Finally, prochloraz (imidazole) was tested because it is the main fungicide sprayed on cereals in Europe [8].

Table 1: Summary of the pesticides tested. We have tested 9 APs of major herbicides, insecticides, or fungicides of different classes, used worldwide for agricultural or domestic purposes. Concentrations of the APs are indicated in parenthesis. Adjuvants are reported where they are mentioned on the material safety data sheet (MSDS).

We used the embryonic (HEK293), placental (JEG3), and hepatic (HepG2) human cell lines because they are well characterized and validated as useful models to test toxicities of pesticides [18–20], corresponding to what is observed on fresh tissue or primary cells [21–23]. These cell lines are even in some instances less sensitive than primary cells [24, 25] and therefore do not overestimate cellular toxicity. We assayed their mitochondrial succinate dehydrogenase (SD) activity (MTT assay) after 24 h pesticide exposure, which is one of the most accurate cytotoxicity assays for measuring the toxicity of pesticide adjuvants such as surfactants [26]. Cytotoxicity was confirmed by the measurement of apoptosis and necrosis, respectively, by caspases 3/7 activation [27] and adenylate kinase leakage after membrane alterations [28]. Each AP was tested from levels below its ADI to its solubility limit in our system. The formulations containing adjuvants were tested at the same levels.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Chemicals

The 9 Aps, glyphosate (N-phosphonomethyl glycine, G, CAS: 1071-83-6), isoproturon (3-(4-isopropylphenyl)-1,1-dimethylurea, CAS: 34123-59-6), fluroxypyr 1-methylheptyl ester (((4-Amino-3,5-dichloro-6-fluoro-2-pyridinyl)oxy)acetic acid, 1-methylheptyl ester, CAS: 81406-37-3), acetamiprid (N-[(6-chloro-3-pyridyl) methyl]-N′-cyano-N-methyl-acetamidine, CAS: 135410-20-7), imidacloprid (1-((6-chloro-3-pyridinyl)methyl)-4,5-dihydro-N-nitro-1H-imidazol-2-amine, CAS: 105827-78-9), pirimicarb (2-dimethylamino-5,6-dimethyl-4-pyrimidinyl dimethylcarbamate, CAS: 23103-98-2), prochloraz (N-propyl-N-(2,4,6-trichlorophenoxy)ethyl-imidazole-1-carboxamide, CAS: 67747-09-5), epoxiconazole (1-{[3-(2-Chlorophenyl)-2-(4-fluorophenyl)-2-oxiranyl]methyl}-1H-1,2,4-triazole, CAS: 135319-73-2), tebuconazole (1-(4-Chlorophenyl)-4,4-dimethyl-3-(1,2,4-triazole-1-ylmethyl)pentane-3-ol, CAS: 107534-96-3), and 3-(4,5-Dimethylthiazol-2-yl)-2,5-diphenyl tetrazolium bromide (MTT), as well as all other compounds, unless otherwise noted, were obtained from Sigma-Aldrich. Formulations were available on the market: Roundup GT+ (approval 2020448), Matin EL (2020328), Starane 200 (8400600), Pirimor G (7500569), Confidor (9200543), Polysect Ultra SL (2080018), Maronee (2000420), Opus (9200018), and Eyetak (9400555). MTT was prepared as a 5 mg/mL stock solution in phosphate-buffered saline, filtered through a 0.22 μm filter before use, and diluted to 1 mg/mL in a serum-free medium.

2.2. Cell Lines and Treatments

The human embryonic kidney 293 cell line (HEK 293, ECACC 85120602) was provided by Sigma-Aldrich (Saint-Quentin Fallavier, France). The hepatoma cell line HepG2 was provided by ECACC (85011430). JEG3 cell line (ECACC 92120308) was provided by CERDIC (Sophia-Antipolis, France). Cells were grown in phenol red-free EMEM (Abcys, Paris, France) containing 2 mM glutamine, 1% nonessential amino acid, 100 U/mL of antibiotics (a mixture of penicillin, streptomycin, and fungizone) (Lonza, Saint Beauzire, France), 10 mg/mL of liquid kanamycin (Dominique Dutscher, Brumath, France), and 10% Fetal Bovine Serum (PAA, les Mureaux, France). JEG3 cells were supplemented with 1 mM sodium pyruvate. Cells were grown with this medium at 37°C (5% CO2, 95% air) during 48 h to 80% confluence, then washed, and exposed 24 h with serum-free EMEM to the APs or the formulations. Before treatment, all the pesticides were solubilized in a 100% DMSO solution, then diluted in serum-free medium to reach 0.5% DMSO (which had been previously proven not to be cytotoxic for the cells), and adjusted to a similar pH. This model was validated [29] and cytotoxic effects were similar in presence of serum but delayed by 48 h.

2.3. Cytotoxicity Measurement

After treatments, succinate dehydrogenase (SD) activity assay (MTT) [30] was applied as described previously [25]. Integrity of mitochondrial dehydrogenase enzymes indirectly reflects the cellular mitochondrial respiration. The optical density was measured at 570 nm using a Mithras LB 940 luminometer (Berthold, Thoiry, France). The bioluminescent ToxiLight bioassay (Lonza, Saint Beauzire, France) was applied for the membrane degradation assessment, by the intracellular adenylate kinase (AK) release in the medium; this is described as a necrosis marker [28]. Finally, the apoptotic cell death was evaluated with the Caspase-Glo 3/7 assay (Promega, Paris, France). Luminescence was measured using a Mithras LB 940 luminometer (Berthold, Thoiry, France). These methods were previously described [25].

2.4. Statistical Analysis

The experiments were repeated at least 3 times in different weeks on 3 independent cultures ( ). All data were presented as the means ± standard errors (SEMs). LC50 values were the best-fitted value of a nonlinear regression using sigmoid (5-parameter) equation with the GraphPad Prism 5 software. The differential effects between APs and formulations are measured by the surfaces between the curves by the calculation of integrals with ImageJ software [31]. Statistical differences of necrosis and apoptosis assays were calculated by a nonparametric Mann-Whitney test with the GraphPad Prism 5 software.

3. Results

All formulations were cytotoxic and far more toxic than their APs, except for isoproturon and its formulated pesticide Matin which were both not soluble over 100 ppm. As a matter of fact, Matin does not have any declared adjuvant (Table 1). On human cells, among the tested products, fungicides were the most toxic (Figure 1), being cytotoxic from doses 300–600 times lower than agricultural dilutions, followed by herbicides (Figure 2) (except Matin) and then insecticides (Figure 3). JEG3 was the most sensitive cell line, the LC50 being on average, respectively, 7% and 23% lower than for HEK293 and HepG2, the least sensitive. The LC50 is calculated over 24 h. In all cell types, fungicides were the most toxic (mean LC50 12 ppm). They were followed by the herbicide Roundup (LC50 63 ppm), twice as toxic as Starane, and more than 10 times as toxic as the 3 insecticides, which represent the less toxic group (mean LC50 720 ppm). The APs of fungicides were the only APs that were toxic alone in our system, from 50 ppm in JEG3 for prochloraz, but they were still less toxic than their formulations.

Figure 1: Differential cytotoxic effects between formulations of herbicides and their active principles (APs) on HepG2, HEK293, and JEG3 human cell lines. Effects on the mitochondrial succinate dehydrogenase (SD) activity, reflecting cell respiration inhibition, were measured in percentage of control in serum-free medium after 24 h of exposure. The concentrations in ppm are dilutions of each AP (dotted line) and their equivalent in formulation with adjuvants (solid line). All formulations are more toxic than their APs, except for isoproturon. SEMs are shown in all instances.

Figure 2: Differential cytotoxic effects between formulations of insecticides and their APs on HepG2, HEK293, and JEG3 human cell lines. The three described human cell lines were used in the conditions of Figure 1 and the results were almost identical. All formulations (solid line) are more toxic than their APs (dotted line); APs are slightly cytotoxic. SEMs are shown in all instances.

Figure 3: Differential cytotoxic effects between formulations of fungicides and their APs on HepG2, HEK293, and JEG3 human cell lines. The three described human cell lines were used in the culture conditions of Figure 1, and the results were almost identical. All formulations (solid line) are more cytotoxic than their APs (dotted line). Maronee is the most toxic compound tested from 1 ppm in JEG3. SEMs are shown in all instances.

In fact, 8 formulations out of 9 were clearly on average several hundred times more toxic than their APs, ranging from 2-3 times more toxic for pirimicarb or prochloraz to 1056 times more toxic for tebuconazole. Results were similar for all cell types.

This was even better understood by the differential measurement of the cytotoxicity through membrane disruption (Figure 4) or caspases activation (Figure 5). For the three cell lines, membrane disruptions are comparable. Most of the pesticides were necrotic and more necrotic than their APs except for Eyetak whose active principle prochloraz is the main toxicant of the formulation. We have not obtained relevant results with Pirimor because a green dye in the formulated product prevents the lecture of luminescence. Differential effects on apoptosis (Figure 5) were less obvious. With the formulated herbicides and insecticides, apoptosis levels are mostly decreased because of the prevailing effects of necrosis. This is not the case with fungicides which are apoptotic depending on the cell line. JEG3 cell lines are the most sensitive to apoptosis, in particular with fluroxypyr, pirimicarb, tebuconazole, and prochloraz. Overall, adjuvants in pesticides are thus far from inerts but cell membrane disruptors and induce in addition mitochondrial alterations.

Figure 4: Differential necrotic effects between formulations and their APs. The three described human cell lines were used in the culture conditions of Figure 1. We have chosen the doses at the first differential effects measured by MTT assay. Formulations (stripped columns, expressed in ppm of the AP) are generally more cytotoxic than their APs (dashed columns) due to a necrotic effect of adjuvants. SEMs are shown in all instances. For the comparison of each AP or formulation to the control (white column), , , and in a nonparametric Mann-Whitney test. # symbol is used similarly for comparisons between APs and their formulations.

Figure 5: Differential apoptotic effects between formulations and their APs. The three described human cell lines were used in the culture conditions of Figure 1. We have chosen the doses at the first differential effects measured by MTT assay. SEMs are shown in all instances. For the comparison of each AP or formulation to the control (white column), , , and in a nonparametric Mann-Whitney test. # symbol is used similarly for comparisons between APs and their formulations.

4. Discussion

This is the first time that all these formulated pesticides have been tested on human cells well below agricultural dilutions. The three different cell types reacted very similarly and the toxicities were observed on several biomarkers; this confirmed our results. Moreover, these are very consistent with several studies on cell lines [1, 25], where placental JEG3 cells were found to be the most sensitive. In this study [1], adjuvants were also more cytotoxic through the disruption of membrane and mitochondrial respiration than from an activation of apoptotic pathways. Primary cells are in some case up to 100 times more sensitive, for instance, neonate umbilical cord vein cells [25]. We also study here short exposures (24 h), but we have previously demonstrated a time-amplifying effect: the differential toxicity between the AP glyphosate and Roundup is increased by 5 times in 72 h [29]. It appears that, with cell lines and short exposures, we underestimate by far the direct toxicity of the products in the long term. In this case in vivo, the metabolism may reduce the toxic effect, but this can be compensated or amplified by bioaccumulation and/or the combined effect of the AP with adjuvants. For instance, in this experiment, after 24 h, 63 ppm of Roundup was found to be toxic to cells, but in our previous experiment, after two years in rats, only 0.1 ppb of Roundup was found to be sufficient to provoke pathologies [2].

Adjuvants in pesticides are generally declared as inerts, and for this reason they are not tested in long-term regulatory experiments. It is thus very surprising that they amplify up to 1000 times the toxicity of their APs in 100% of the cases where they are indicated to be present by the manufacturer (Table 1). In fact, the differential toxicity between formulations of pesticides and their APs now appears to be a general feature of pesticides toxicology. As we have seen, the role of adjuvants is to increase AP solubility and to protect it from degradation, increasing its half-life, helping cell penetration, and thus enhancing its pesticidal activity [32] and consequently side effects. They can even add their own toxicity [1]. The definition of adjuvants as “inerts” is thus nonsense; even if the US Environmental Protection Agency has recently changed the appellation for “other ingredients,” pesticide adjuvants should be considered as toxic “active” compounds.

In the scientific literature, in contrast with regulatory beliefs, some harmful effects of the adjuvants present in this study are reported. In the formulations (Table 1) Starane 200, Opus, and Eyetak, the adjuvants include solvent naphtha (a petroleum distillate), which is known to have developmental effects in rodents [33]. Xylene (in Eyetak) has long been associated with cardiac and central nervous system diseases in humans [34]. 1-Methyl-2-pyrrolidinone (in Confidor) is a developmental toxicant and caused malformations, incomplete ossification of skull, and decreased fetal body weights in rats [35]. N,N-Dimethyldecanamide (Maronee adjuvant) has been characterized as a developmental toxicant in rodents [36] but is insufficiently studied for reproductive toxicity. The distinction between AP and “declared inert” compounds appears to be a regulatory assumption with no toxicological basis, from this experiment and others. Even industry and regulators contradict themselves in the classification of APs and inert compounds. For example, 1,2-benzisothiazoline-3-one is classed as an inert ingredient in the pesticide Polysect in particular and as an active ingredient in cleaning products [37].

All this does not exclude the toxicity of APs alone. Glyphosate inserted in the aromatase active site of mammalian cells disrupts steroidogenesis [23]. Imidacloprid alters the developing immunity in rats [38]. Fluroxypyr (ester 1-methylheptyl) has never been tested in human cells before this study but appears to be toxic from 22 ppm in formulation; its ADI is only 0.8 ppm/day (DG SANCO, 2013). It also appears here that prochloraz is the main toxicant of the tested formulation.

It is commonly believed that Roundup is among the safest pesticides. This idea is spread by manufacturers, mostly in the reviews they promote [39, 40], which are often cited in toxicological evaluations of glyphosate-based herbicides. However, Roundup was found in this experiment to be 125 times more toxic than glyphosate. Moreover, despite its reputation, Roundup was by far the most toxic among the herbicides and insecticides tested. This inconsistency between scientific fact and industrial claim may be attributed to huge economic interests, which have been found to falsify health risk assessments and delay health policy decisions [41].

In conclusion, our results challenge the relevance of the ADI, because it is calculated today from the toxicity of the AP alone in vivo. An “adjuvant factor” of at least a reduction by 100 can be applied to the present calculation of the ADI if this is confirmed by other studies in vivo. As an example, the present ADI for glyphosate is 0.3 ppm; for glyphosate-based herbicides it would be 3 ppb or less. However, this will never replace the direct study of the commercial formulation with its adjuvants in regulatory tests. Anyway, an exposure to a single formulated pesticide must be considered as coexposure to an active principle and the adjuvants. In addition, the study of combinatorial effects of several APs together may be very secondary if the toxicity of the combinations of each AP with its adjuvants is neglected or unknown. Even if all these factors were known and taken into account in the regulatory process, this would not exclude an endocrine-disrupting effect below the toxicity threshold. The chronic tests of pesticides may not reflect relevant environmental exposures if only one ingredient is tested alone.
Conflict of Interests

The authors declare that there is no conflict of interests regarding the publication of this paper.
Acknowledgments

The authors acknowledge the Regional Council of Low Normandy for Robin Mesnage fellowship and the Charles Leopold Mayer (FPH) and Denis Guichard Foundations, together with CRIIGEN, for structural support. They are equally thankful to Malongo, Lea Nature, and the JMG Foundation for their help.

References

View the source BioMed Research International, includes list of references

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Snowden urges Americans to learn to protect identities online

By Cary Darling
Star-Telegram: March 11, 2014

AUSTIN — Declaring that the U.S. government is “setting fire to the future of the Internet” by spying on Americans and being unaccountable for that, former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden came across as determined and defiant in a videoconference interview Monday morning at South by Southwest Interactive.

Speaking from Russia, where he turned up after leaving his NSA eavesdropping station in Hawaii last year with classified government information, and leaking some of it to The Guardian and The Washington Post, Snowden spoke to a capacity audience of about 3,000 at an exhibit hall at the Austin Convention Center.

It was the same venue in which WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange spoke via Skype on Saturday.

A copy of the U.S. Constitution appeared behind Snowden on the large screen.

Like Assange, he offered few clues about his life in exile and gave no hints about how long he plans to stay in Russia. Instead, he and moderators Chris Sogohian and legal counsel Ben Wizner, both of the ACLU, kept the focus on how private citizens can protect their online identities and how companies can be doing more to protect their customers’ identities. And they figured that SXSW, with its young, tech-savvy audience, was the right forum to make their case.

“South by Southwest and the tech community, the people in the room in Austin, they’re the folks who can fix this,” Snowden said. “There’s a political response that needs to occur, but there’s also a tech response that needs to occur.”

Encryption, a process that makes it harder for would-be spies to decipher information, is the key, they said. If customers and companies used encryption, it would make the bulk collection of digital information — which the NSA documents exposed — more expensive and time-intensive.

Like Assange, Snowden took questions via Twitter. When asked why it was worse for the government to collect information about individuals than for commercial enterprises to do so, Snowden responded: “The government has the ability to deprive you of your rights. The police have the power. They can kill you. They can surveil you. Companies can surveil you, too, and that’s bad, but they can be challenged.”

(Read the full article at: Star-Telegram)

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